SANTAL LIFE CYCLE
I. Rites Ritual and Ceremonies in Santal Life Cycle

The term rites in the context of Santal social ceremonies refer mainly to the sacrificial offering, libations and invocations of the bongas. However by the term ceremony one does not only refer to the true components of rites as mentioned but also covers the secular elements of behaviour of the Santals that accompany these rites although they are not implicitly part of the rite. The Santal rituals are an outward manifestations of certain collective sentiments of a particular community; an analytical study of these rituals (symbolic expressions) provides us with an understanding of the inner meanings and values of the santal society; some of these symbolic values expressed through these rituals are :-

a) A sense of being with the bongas and sharing with them.

This is evident from the fact that the sacrificial offerings and libations are shared between the people and the spirits. During the worship the sacrificial offerings are collectively donated by the people; and they again partake of these sacrificial offering through collective eating and drinking with the sprits. This is an important aspect of the ritual which mainfests a kinship and alliance of the people with the bongas. The places of worship like Jaherthan, Manjhithan and Bhitar are symbolic of the special presence of the sprits.

b) Dependence upon the bongas
The Santals depend upon their bongas to a great extent. This is manifested through various rituals like the dripping of victim blood in the khond; oblation of the sacrificial offering and invocions by the Naeke for the whole village. All these are gestures of the acknowledgement of the sprits as the protectors and lords and masters. For a Santal a living without being guarded by a Bonga is unthinkable. He survives due to the gratice of a bonga and dies for being neglected by it.

c) A sense of being new and close harmony with the nature. :
This aspect is manifested through various festivals like "Baha" which is a symbol of new lilfe when the nature is just begining to blossom. Further, the festivals like Hariar Sim, Janthar and Sohrae symbolise various stages of growth, abundance and new life.

II. Life-cycle of an individual santal
The tribals have developed a meaning system through the experiences gained from ages from a set of religious beliefs known as myths and stories. This is the foundation stone of their worldview on which is based the tribal ideology. It provides legitimation to their very existence and work. It provides them with a capability to have more or less a clear analysis and understanding of the tribal society - a vision for the future and choice of approaches and strategies. Out of these ideologies emanates their value culture on which are enshrined the various social, economic and political system. The elementary outlook is restricted to four factors, which are God, the human being, spirits and nature. Based on this analogy are four important turning points in the lifecycle of an individual santal. They are the birth, initiation, marriage and death. These occasions though concerned with individuals are great community events wherein the whole village along with the relatives of the individuals participates. Further more, these events like any other festivals also comprise of rituals expressing appeasement of the spirits and a kinship with these sprits.

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B I R T H
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Birth Ceremonies
The birth of a child is an important event and turning point in the life-cycle of santal individual. The birth of a child is accomplished with the help of a midwife called "dargin budhi"; once the child is born, the umbilical cord is severed with a sharp edged arrow; the placenta and after birth are then buried infront of the main door of the house. The depth at which this is buried ascertains the time gap between the present child and that of the next child. The santals believe that if it is buried close to the surface the next birth will be early while if it is buried well inside the soil next birth will be delayed. The burial of the placenta and afterbirth also ensure them from not being eaten by dogs or other animals; if animals eat them it is believed the mother and the child may die of diseases. The midwife to the villagers gathered outside the house announces the birth of child; on hearing the news, the father of the child starts beating the roof of the house with a stick to ward off any evil sprits moving around the house. The villagers on hearing the birth of the child ask whether it is a "Dipil or Bhuria" meaning whether it carries by the head or by shoulder.

The birth of child in a particular village is said to defile the house and the village as a whole. Thus no community festivals or ceremonies can be performed unless it is purified through the propitiation of the "Jaher bongas". Interestingly, this responsibility is not only limited to the family where such an occurrence takes place but the entire community owes an propition to the bongas for such an event.

Met' Halan
It is a simple ritual performed on the day of the birth between the mother and the midwife for the safety and well being of the mother and child. During Met' halan(lifting of the eyes) the mother and the midwife sit on the floor of the house facing each other. The mother fills a phuruk' (leaf cup) with rice beer and gives this to the midwife who throws it to her left side.

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INITIATION (CACO-CHATIAR)
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This is the second important milestone in the life cycle of a santal. Though the word 'caco' means a 'toddler' the ceremony is accomplished usualy when a child enters adulthood. A lot of significance is attached to this ceremony; the initiated Santal is reborn into the society whereby he/she becomes a full-fledged member of the tribe and hence enjoys all the privilliges and responsibilities. He/She now enters into a new relationship with the bongas and can offer sacrificial offerings to them; and also can partake of the sacrificial meals. The revered concepts of community feeling are no better illustrated than this ritual. This is the component of the tribal worldview gives legitimism to the Santals as a social group. It articulates first of all the tribal identity in terms of geographical, historical, ethnological, linguistic and soci-cultural features. It manifests the tribal identity, which has a distinct character, and distinguish them other peoples of the country. The honour and dignity of their belonging to a particular community even when living in a poor economic conditions and in a social milieu of being looked down upon clearly distinguishes them from people in similar situations.
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Ceremony
On the day of the initiation the villagers are summoned to the appointed place by the 'godet' of the village. After the villagers have gathered, the midwife who took the child's delivery or any other elderly women in the village bathes those who are to be initiated by pouring water over them. Three young girls then anoint everyone present with oil and turmeric starting with the village headman and his wife. Rice beer is served to all after which they sing and dance. An elderly person then recites an account of the Creation of the Universe and Man, the wanderings and the migratory routes taken by the ancestors and the events leading to the present settlement in the village. Thus, the initiated one along with the rest of the villagers are made aware of the Santal tribal lore and about other santal traditions. No sacrificial offering are made and the drinking of rice-beer is a witness by the village folk to have admitted the initiated ones fully into the society.

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BAPLA (MARRIAGE)
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Marriage is the third turning point in the life cycle of the Santals; it is the most vital event in the life of a santal individual; this is the reason why the process of contracting a marriage and associated rites, rituals are complex and time consuming. Santals are basically monogamous; bigamy is rare and polygamy unheard of. Normally the marriages are contracted after the individuals attain adulthood; thus the average age of of marriage is sixteen for girls and twenty for boys; child mariage among them is uncommon and are present only in a few localised areas where the santals have a high degree of interaction with the non-tribals. The santal couples normally live in the house of the husband after the mariage - the residence being patrilocal; however in cases of ghardi jawae or ghar jawae the custom is reversed - that isthe bridegroom goes and lives in the brides house. The marriages are strictly contracted within the santal community; thus, marriages between non - santal and wihin the same clan is forbidden. There are stringent customary laws that prohibit such marriages; and if any one dares to disobey, they are ostracised.

Divorces( Bapag)
Divorce among the Santals are not common; however divorces are usually justified and accomplished in the following cases:-

a) Adultery committed by either the husband or the wife.

b) Suspected practice of witch craft by the wife before mariage.

c) Barreness on the part of the wife and sterility on the part of the husband.
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Sakam Orec'Ceremony
Just as there are rituals and ceremonies for contracting a marriage, divorce is also accomplished through a simple ceremony called 'Sakam orec' (tearing of the leaves).
During the appointed day villagers from the two villages ( that of the boy and the girl) gather in husband's vilage. The village headman presides over the ceremony. The husband and wife are made to stand facing each other with a 'lota' filled with water placed infront of them. The village headman then addresses the villagers and then invokes the jaher bongas to be witness to the event. The customary payments are then made in case the divorce has been agreed upon. The party wiling to have the divorce then stands on his/her left foot and tears three sal leaves down the mid rib; after this he/she kicks the 'lota' dak' by his right foot. Next, the man bows followed by the women around to the villagers gathered there. This completes the "Sakam Orec'" ceremony.

Types of Marriage
Santals follow several different forms of marriage depending upon different situations and circumstances. A brief description of each form is given below :-

1. Kirin bahu bapla :- In this form of marriage the bride is brought to the house of the bridegroom after the father of groom pays the bride-price. This is the most common form of marriage prevalent among the Santals today. This is also the most complex form of marriage comprising of a series of ceremonies and rituals spread over months together. A detail description has been provided in the following pages.

2. Kirin jawae bapla :- When a girl is made pregnant by a man who simply does not want to marry her or does not want to marry her because she belongs to the same clan, a husband is bought or arranged for the girl, the cost being borne by the offender. This form of marriage, as is evident is resorted to provide social protection and sanctity to the pregnant girl.

3. Tunki Dipil Bapla :- This is a poor man's marriage undertaken by persons who are not in a position to bear the expenses of a regular marriage. In this case bride-price is not paid; the bride simply gathers her few belongings and puts them into a tunki (bamboo basket) put it upon her head (dipil) and simply walks down to the grooms house.

4. Sanga Bapla :- This is a form of marriage contracted between a widown/divorced woman and a widower/divorced man. The bride-price in this case is half of the kirin bahu bapla.
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5. Ghardi Jawae and Ghar Jawae Bapla :- In 'ghardi jawae' bapla the boy(groom) after marriage goes to live in the girl's (bride) house; this form of marriage is resorted to by the parents with a number of adult girls with no sons or minor sons. All the expenses of the marriage are borne by the girl's side and no bride-price is paid. The groom works for five years in the in laws household in return of which he is given food and clothing and a calf during marriage. In Ghar-Jawae bapla the 'groom' goes to live in the bride's parents house. A father who has no male offspring but has only daughters accomplishes this form of marriage. By this mariage, the girl's parents ensure that their heir inherits their properties; thus, this marriage requires formal approval of the girl's relatives and also the consent of the villagers.

6. Itut' Bapla:- This is a rare form of marriage in santal society. The boy having been in love with a girl forcibly applies 'sindur' (vermillion) on the forehead of the girl in a market place or any other public place. By doing this the boy ensures the girl to be his wife and at the same time overcomes any resistance from her parents' side.

7. Nir Bolok Bapla:- This is also a rare form of marriage wherein a girl having had a sexual relationship with a boy,forcibly enters the boys' house(nir bolo), thus forcing the boy to marry her.
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The Santal Marriage - an analytical study
Marriage in Santal Community is a vital event and is an imporant milestone in the lifecycle of a Santal individual - the other two important events being the Birth and the Death. Because of its vital nature, a series of social ceremonies and rituals are associated with it; in fact, marriage is the biggest social (ceremony) event among the Santals. The social ceremonies and rituals associated with the marriage among the Santals are extemely intricate and complex. In order to understand and appreciate these one has to personally witness a marriage ceremony from beginning to end with a critical mind because all the rituals and ceremonies have an inner meaning expressing relationship with their bongas (spirits) and also new social involvement of the 'couples'. Some of the major social ceremonies and rituals associated with marriage (Kirin bahu bapla) are described below:-

Normal period for marriage
Usually the marriage ceremonies among Santals are held from March to June; during this period there is not much of a work to be done and also there is adequate rice and other materials available in the households. This period refers to the normal arranged marriage (Kirin bahu bapla); however exceptions do exist.
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Major Ceremonies of Marriage :
A few major customary ceremonies of symbolic significance are as noted below:

Raebar (match-making) : Raebar (match-making) is the first step in the process of kirin bahu bapla; the boys father appoint a responsible person to look for a bride and a series of discussions with the perents relatives of either side are made; finally he fixes the date and venue for the 'nepel' - meaning meeting each other between the prospective bride and beidegroom along with their relatives; the venue chosen is normally a public place - a market place, a fair or sometimes even paddy fields. This is the first opportunity the boy and the girl along with a few relatives meets one another. The role of raebaric' in kirin bahu bapla is very important and hence the marriage is often called "Raebar Bapla".

Orak' Duar Nel (inspection of the boys house):
If during the 'nepel' both the sides agree to the proposal, a day is fixed for the orak' duar nel - informal inspection of the boys house by the girl's father along with the village headman and relatives. On reaching the boy's village, they proceed to his house accompanied by the Manjhi and Jog manjhi of that village. After the normal customary greetings of 'abuk janga' (feet washing) they are given rice beer. However these drinks are taken only after rice beer libations are offered by the Manjhi ( of both parties) to the ancestral spirits of the boy and girl invoking their blessings. The girl's party thereafter makes a preliminary enquiry from the manjhi and jog manjhi whether the boy's family has been guilty of any social offence. They then retire for the night after having night meals. The following day the girl's relatives are shown the boy's house and fields; they then decide the gonon or the bride price.

Horok' Cikhna (betrothal ceremony)
Traditonally horok' cikhna' comprise, of two individual ceremonies - the 'Jawae dhuti' and 'Bahu bande'.
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Jawae Dhuti
In jawae dhuti the bride's father, with uncles, the village headmen, paranik, jog-manjhi along with the some other relatives and raebaric' go to the grooms village on a prefixed day. On ther arrival they are received and accompanied by the village headman and jog manjhi to the boys house; then they are taken inside the house after the normal feet washing and anointing in the courtyard of the groom's house. They are then offered Khajari-gur (parched rice and molasses) to eat and rice beer to drink. Then the groom with a lota in hand is brought out of the house by a married relative usually by his maternal uncle or his sister's husband to pay respect to the guests. He places the 'lota' infront of the brides's father, sits on his thighs. He is then offered some rice beer after which he rinses his mouth. The groom is then offered a new dhoti and some money; he then kisses him. All other relatives who offer him pieces of cloth, shirts or money follow the same process. The paranik then counts the money and the gifts received and annouces the total amount in public. A goat is then sacrificed by the jog-manjhi in honour of the family's ancestral spirits and the jaher bongas invoking them to protect the couple from all kinds misfortune. The relatives and the villagers then partake of the sacrificial meals.

Bahu Bande
A similar betrothal ceremony is performed in the bride's house by the grooms party; various gifts are offered to the bride by the grooms party. Bahu bande is often set aside if the marriage is to be performed early. These betrothal ceremonies signify the ratification of a contract between the two parties - the-would be bride's and groom's families; the gifts made during these ceremonies are regarded as the seals and testimonies. By this contract, the boy or the girl are prevented from running away and entering into any marriage, without the consent of both the families - in which case the gifts are to be returned. This is the reason the gifts are counted during the betrothal ceremony.
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Taka cal and Gira Tol
The 'Taka cal' (paying the bride's price) ceremony is held in the bride's house. The grooms' father accompanied by the village headman, jog manjhi and a few relatives go to the bride's house. On their arrival at the bride's house they are offered rice-beer after the usual salutations and welcome ceremonies; the bride's price is then decided upon and paid off; this is supposed to be the proof of legal possession. All those present, then decide upon the actual date of marriage - the process being called the Gira tol . At the end, meal is offered to everyone present after the usual invocation of the ancestral spirits for the well being of the perspective husband and wife.

Mandwa (Marriage shed)
Mandwa - the marriage shed is usually set up two or three days before the marriage in the bride's and the groom's house. Before the mandwa is set up the brided's father gives three fowls, a pot of rice beer and some rice to the village-priest which he offers to the Maran buru, Jaher Era and More-ko-turuiko; during the sacrifice the priests invokes these bongas to ward off any evil spirits and keep the village clean during the marriage. The jog manjhi and jog paranik then asks the villagers to set up the mandwa. The central post of the mandwa called mandwa khunti is usually of the mahua branch with the canopy of the shed sonsists of twings and small branches of mango, sal and mahua trees.
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Dak'bapla (water marriage ceremony)
The Dak' Bapla - ceremony is held one day before the groom along with his party (bariat ko) set forth to the bride's house. The ceremony starts with the anointing (sunum sasan) of the village folk gathered under the mandwa by the tetre kuri; the village headman and his wives are first to be annointed while the groom's parents are annointed last. After this, the jog manjhi with a lota of rice beer, the tetre kuri carrying two earthen pots sagun thilli (ominous pots) on head convered with yellow cloth (sasan kicric), the grooms mother carrying adwa caole, oil, vermillion, dhubi ghas and three cowrie shells and two paternal aunts carrying a sword and a bow and arrows then proceed to fetch the ceremonial water. They are all accompanied by village girls dancing (dak' bapla don) to the beating of dhols and rahar by the doms. Once at the pre-arranged spot, the babre-kora digs a hole at the waterside and allows the water to seep through. The jog majhi then plants three arrows around the hole and winds a thread five times around these arows; covers the cowrie shells with sindur after which Daramdak' (Welcome ceremony)
Bariatko (groom's party) proceed, towards the bride's house amidst the beating of dhols and rahar; raebaric's wife carries a big basket - daura' and the 'groom' and lomta kora are carried on a rahi or palanquin. On reaching the bride's village, the bariatko initially camp at the west side of the kulhi; the raebaric' (matchmaker) then informs the bride's party of their arrival. The bride's party along with the raebaric', godet and jogmanjhi of the village then bring the groom's party to the majhithan. Here two pigeons are sacrificed to the Manjhiharam and Jaherbongas; rice beer libations are also offered. After this the bride's mother offers molasses and water to the groom and lomta kora; the close relatives of the bride repeat the process. This completes the welcome ceremony.
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Balaea Johar (Salutation ceremony)
After the welcome remony, the relatives belonging to the bride and the groom's family stand in two lines face to face. Then the grooms relative start saluting the bride's relative - the groom's father leads, followed by the male members and ultimately the female members follow. This process signifies the new bond and relationship being entered into through the marriage.

Gurjom ( eating of the molasses ceremony)
After the Balaea Johar, the gurjom ceremony is performed. This comprises of visits to all the households in the village by the groom and lomta kora where they are given molasses to eat and water to drink. The process strengthens the bond between the groom and the bride's villagers.

Sara Darhi
The groom on arriving at the bride's house is washed, anointed with oil and turmeric and dressed in saffron clothes. He is then lifted on the shoulder of his babre kora; similarly the bride's younger brother is lifted on the shoulder of his brother-in-law, both facing each other with a piece of white cloth separating them. Then they sprinkle water over each other five times by dripping the mango twig with five leaves in a 'lota' of water. Then they blow chewed rice over each other. After this, the bride's brother offers a saffron turban (Sara arhi) to the groom.
This ceremony is accompanied with a mock fight (paikaha/Natwa don) between the boys' and girls' party outside to the beating of the 'dhols' and 'rahar'.

SINDRADAN (Smearing of bride's forehead with vermilion)
This is the essence and the most fundamental of all marriage ceremonies. The bride is anointed with oil and turmeric and is dressed with saffron clothes covering her wholeface. A few members of the groom's party then enter the house, put her in the daura - (large bamboo basket) and bring her out. The groom is lifted over the shoulder of the babre-kora and faces East, opposite to the bride. Both, the bride and the groom sprinkle water over each other five times by a mango twig with five leaves being dipped everytime in a lota of water.Then the groom uncovers the face of the bride and applies vermillion from a leaf cup five times using his right thumb and little finger. The remaining vermilion is then smeared on theside of the bride's neck. The empty leaf-cup is then handed over to the babre-kora who ties it to the cloth of the groom. The Sindradan is accompanied by the beating of dhols and rahar. One of the material aunts then ties the ends of the cloths of the newly weds signifying that henceforth they are one and united.
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Cumaura and Parchau (Waving and Purification Ceremony)
These two ceremonies are performed after the sindradan before the new couples are allowed to enter the bride's house. In the cumaura ceremony the bride's mother carries a winnowing fan (hatak') containing some adwa caole. dhubi ghas and horo. She waves the hatak' three times over the couples and lumtikora, lumtikuri and the babrekora each time scattering the contents of the hatak' at their backs. Other close relatives of the bride repeat the process. After the cumaura, parchau ceremony is performed. In this two maternal aunts of the bride come out of the house carrying two brass plates, one plate containing four leaf-cups - two filled with oil and two with molasses; the seccond plate contains two leaf cups of turmeric and five flour balls. The bride's mother anoints the couples and gives them molasses to eat and water to drink; then smears their faces with turmeric too. Then the bride's mother takes the five balls of cowdung and flour and scatters them over their heads. A few close relatives of the bride also repeat the ceremony. After this ceremony the couples are led into the house and served with food.
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Gidi Cumaura (Second waving ceremony)
The couples along with their companions and the relatives as also the villagers gather next morning under the marriage shed. A mat is spread and the couples sit - the bride sitting on the left side of the groom. On the left side of the bride sit the lumti kuri and babre kuri while on the right side of the groom sit the lomta kora and babre kora. The couples are then anointed and taken round the mandwa khunti thrice. Then bride's mohter then comes with the daura containing some dhubi ghas and adwa caole; she then waves the daura three times over each one's head and scatters some dhubi ghas and adwa caole over their heads. After that she puts some money in the brass plates kept infront of each of them. The relatives and wives of the village officials repeat the process. The last to perform the ceremonies are the elder sister and cousins of the bride. All of them then go to the Manjhithan where the Jog Manjhi offers rice-beer libations to the Manjhi haram bonga implouring him to protect the couples during their return journey and also in the days to come. After this all the villagers and relatives go to the eastern end of the village where the farewell ceremony is to be performed. As usual, a mat is spread out and the bride's mother gives the groom molasses to eat and wate to drink; after this she kisses him. She does the same to the bride. Then the villagers stand on two lines facing each other to perfom the Balaea-Johar ( farewell salutations); after this farewell addresses are delivered by the jog-manjhi of the groom's village and by the bride's headman. The speeches highlight and stress upon the new social relationship entered into by two individuals as also by the members of the two villages. That the marriage is a union of two villages as much as a union of two individuals is indicated in the parting speech, which says thus:

.......from today our two villages have become as one ..... Formerly you were strangers and you used to pass by our village. Now if any of your people is passing this way.... he must stop and ask for a drink. After the parting ceremony the jog manjhi of the bride's village hand her over to the groom's headman; then the couples along with a few male and female members (lunti-baret) proceed to the groom's village. One of the groom's party also carries the mandwa khunti with them.

On reaching the groom's village the welcome ceremony (Daramdak'), the gurjom ceremony cumaura and parchau ceremonies are performed as in the bride's house. After one or two days the bride's brother is given a cow or a goat (bare-itat') to take home. The couples again return to the bride's house after three days. Here bride's father offers a goat honouring the ancestor spirits; rice-beer libations are also made imploring the protection of the ancestor spirits. All present partake of this food except the bride.

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D E A T H
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Traditional Beliefs
Death is the final stage in the life-cycle of a Santal. However Santals do not believe it to be the end of the social person; but death to them is a stage of transformation. Traditionally, Santals believe in two worlds - noapuri (this visible world) and hanapuri (world after death). Death is the bridge leading to hanapuri. Santals believe that after death, the departed joius his ancestors and is transformed into hapram bonga (ancestors sprit). Their belief in hanapuri and the transformation into hapram bonga can be easily gauged from the terms usually used for their dead ones like - bonga talaenae (he has become one with the sprit) or nitok' doe hapramena (now he has become sprit). The Santals further believe that good people would be rewarded and the wicked punished in the hanapuri - thus they believe in jom raja and hudur raja awaiting the wicked ones in hanapuri to punish them.

According to traditional beliefs the departed ones can not join their ancestral spirits (bongas) in hanapuri unless certain death ceremonies and rituals are accomplished. Santals believe that, death pollutes the household of the deceased and also the village; thus the baihar bongas and the jaher bongas are polluted; this is so becouse death is a victory of maligant ones over the benevolent bongas concerned with the well being of the individuals and the village. Hence, no social ceremonies like marriages or agricultural festivals like Baha, Sorhae can be performed unless purificatory ceremonies have been performed.

The Mourning and Burial
The death of a person in a household is an occassion of mourning; the news of the death is passed on to the villagers by the godet. The dead body is prepared for burial by dressing it with new cloths and putting it on a stringed cot (parkom) which is brought to the courtyard. A plate and driking vessel made of brass is placed on the cot. Some money tied in a piece of cloth along with other gifts are given by the relatives as token of mourning. The body is also anointed with oil and turmeric.
The body thus prepared is then taken to the burial place in the outskirts of the village; the grave is usually dug in a North - South direction. On reaching the grave all the gift items along with the brass vessels and money are removed; they are later used for procuring handi - paura (rice beer and liquour). A piece of cloth is then laid inside the grave, the body is taken round three times arround the grave and then a glowings ember is put inside the mouth of the body by the chief mourner. Then the body is lowered inside the grave with head facing south. A canopy of branches is made over the body and the cot is then broken with the bamboos placed over the canopy. The chief mourner puts the first soil inside the grave followed by other relatives until the grave is filled by soil. A winnowing fan with some paddy is left behind. The villagers then go for a purificatory bath and then they anoint them selves with sunum sasan. The chief mourner head is totally shaved. Then they return to the village.
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Umul Ader / Tel Nahan ceremony
The ceremony is performed normally on the 5th day of the death of a person. Traditionally it is believed that the death defiles the household and the village and so no social ceremonies or functions can be held in the village until Umul Ader has been performed. Thus the ceremony is performed for two specific reasons :-

a) To release the dead person now in the form of shadow (umul) from the clutches of evil powers(malevolent sprits)

b) To purify the household and the village from the defilements brought about by the death of the person.

The ceremony has two parts :-
a) Purificatory : On the day of the ceremony the villagers along with the relatives gather at the deceased persons house from where they go to the grave. Here the chief mourner takes a handfull of soil and puts into a new earthen pot after burring them. While returning to the village they are met by women folk at the end of the village kulhi here the pot is smashed and the contents are sprinkled with water and turmeric. Then the chief mourner collects some burnt soil and carries it on a leaf plate and proceeds for purificatory bath along with others. After the bath, the chief mourner offers 'sal twigs' and oil cakes to the Maran Buru, Pilcu Haram and Pilcu Budhi and implores the Maran Buru to keep the deceased soul in the sadow of the house.
b) After the purificatory bath they return to the house of the deceased. Here two persons become possessed one by spirits of Maran Buru and the other by the sprit the deceased. The decesed spirits is then asked the reason of his departure to hana puri - whether it was by his free will or whether it has been one to illness or hostility. On getting sutible replies the two persons again continue their usual duties. The chief mourner then offers the sacrificial animals to the deceased spirit; the relatives and the villagers also offer fowls to the deceased spirit; the sacrificial animals are killed with blows on the back (kutam) and not by beheading them. All those gathered then have rice beers and partake of the sacrificial meals. They then return to their house.
The completion of the umul ader ceremony results in the release of the decease person from the clutches of the evil sprit but is still to be admitted into the kingdom of hapramko (ancestors). In a way, the spirit has not reached his final abode but is still in his journey.
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Bhandan
The bhandan ceremoney is the final death ceremony that is meant to achieve :-

a) The total purification of the household and the village.
b) Enables the deceased to reach his final abode in hanapuri

Bhandan is normally performed at the discretion of the deceased person's household depending upon his financial ability. On the prefixed day, the villagers and the relatives gather in the deceased persons household; the chief mourner shaves his head and others shave their beards. They then have the usual purificatory baths. After their return they eat taben khajari in the household; the spirits of the deceased, the founder of the village and Maran Buru then possess three persons, once again the deceased person is asked the cause of his death. On getting a positive reply they again resume their normal functions.The sacrificial offering (goat) is made by the chief mourns at the courtyard on a khond. The goat is usually killed by the Jog-Manjhi by a hit with the butt end of axe. This sacrificial offering is made to the spirit of the dead person 'who' is invoked to protect all his living relatives and keep away evil sprits from them. The villagers and other relatives attending the Bhandan ceremony also make offering of fowls to the dead persons spirits. This is followed with rice-beer libations.
The sacrificial meat is then dressed and cooked with rice (sura daka); the chief mourner then offers some of this sura to the sprit of the dead person invoking him to accept the food and totaly clean the householod from all the impurities. Then all the relatives and villagers partake of the sacrificial sura. The people then dance and sing whole night. After this all the person disperse. Through this ceremony the household and the village becomes completely free from all impurities and can thus receive the blessing of the benevolent spirits.
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