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SANTAL HUL 1855-57

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Introduction
Social movements among Indias tribals have been widely prevalent during and after the British Raj. In fact over a period of nearly two hundred years there have been more than seventy tribal uprisings throughout the country. Following these tribal rebellions and, in certain cases even without such precedence, a number of reformative movements were started. No account of the Santals can be complete without reference to the Santal Rebellion of 1855-57, a landmark in their history. It has become a legend treasured by tribals as well as non-tribals, as can be seen from the number of dramas and songs celebrating this event and mythologising its leaders while, at the same time, constantly reviving in the minds of the present day Santals the memory of the event.

SANTAL HUL - CAUSES

The Rebellion was not begun on the spur of the moment as a result of sudden passion, but it was the result of a long endurance of exploitation and oppression. It came at a time when the destitution and sufferings of the Santals had reached an extremely high level. Among the various causes, which led the Santals to rebel, the most commonly cited is the merciless exploitation of the grasping and rapacious mahajans or money-lenders and by the zamindars or landlords. During the same time that the Santals began occupying the Damin-I-koh (an area surrounding the Rajmahal Hills and comprising 1,366 square miles demarcated by the British government in 1833 and declared as government property) large numbers of Hindu traders and moneylenders began to infiltrate the area. When the spendthrift Santals took loans, they more often than not found themselves trapped in a vicious circle of extortion from which they could not escape in their lifetime. Before long, as a result of the usurious rates of interest, fraudulent dealings in the use of measures, weights and prices used in the execution of bonds, these merohants nad money-lenders amassed large fortunes at the cost of the simple and honest Santals who were in turn reduced to utter misery. The immigrant landlords took advantage of the Santals misfortunes and started exacting heavy taxes, which the over-burdened Santals could never possibly pay. The revenue administration organised to collect rent and settle land disputes was riddled with corruption. As a result of all these factors the Santals were being forcibly ousted out of their own property.

The Santals had made a number of attempts at presenting their grievances to the government. These were, however, repeatedly rebuffed and the aggrieved Santals could never get judicial redressal. For civil and criminal cases the Santals were forced to go to the courts at Deoghar or Bhagalpur, which even today with the modern means of transport are considered to be far away places out of the reach of the ordinary villager. Moreover the prevalent oppression of the Santal Police Rules and the corruption of the judicial administration especially of the amlahs (clerks), mukthears (pleaders) and peons, rendered the making of such long journeys to Deoghar and Bhagalpur to no avail. Since the Santals did not know any language other than Santali, they were forced to make use of interpreters and pleaders and also of clerks to file their grievances before the judges. All these were in turn in the pay of the landlords, traders and moneylenders. The courts of law supposedly the guardians of justice, thus gave more security to the propertied classes and as far as the Santals were concerned legalised the rapacity of their oppressors. They found themselves subjected to a forcible dispossession of property, abuse, personal violence and a variety of petty tyrannies.

However, though the Santals demands, which preceded the rebellion were mainly concerned with the improvement of their general economic situation, three other factors were of paramount importance in forcing the Santals to revolt en masse.

(a) The importance of land:
For the Santals, land not only provides them with economic security but is also a powerful link with their ancestors whom they keep in very high esteem and veneration. No land is taken possession of, no site for a new village is selected unless the ancestral spirits first approve of it. For the Santals land is thus part of their spiritual as well as their economic heritage. Following this belief according to their tribal customary laws and practices, the village as a whole owned much of the land collectively. The idea of individually owned land was unheard of. The English government, however, which more often than not were completely ignorant of the tribal's traditions and customs.They could not conceive of such traditional beliefs. They knew only of one pattern of land ownership - individual ownership. This principle guided a number of land legislations, which instead of benefitting the Santals, the original owners of the land, encouraged the Deku settlers to acquire more and more land forcibly mortgaged by the Santlas.

(b) The honour of their womenfolk:
Though the introduction of the railway and of indigo plantation in Santal Parganas was a source of material gain to the Santal workers, both factors soon turned out to be a threat to the Santals' long cherished traditions and customs especially those concerning their tribal marriage code. In Santal society, women enjoy a high degree of respect and of equality with the menfolk. Any immodesty shown to them provokes intense and angry disapproval and is treated with great severity. Such actions also incur the wrath of the village spirits who are said to become polluted with the result that they stop protecting the villagers. According to their traditions, the Santal ancestors twice ran away form the country in which they were living rather than submit their women to marrying outsiders or persons not of the tribe (Volume 2). Now the Santals were often seeing their womenfolk being forcibly abducted and dishonoured by European railway men and indigo planters.

(c) Yearning for Independence
Another important element in the complex of factors which led to the Santal rebellion, was the yearning for independence - the dream of ancient times when the Santals were said to be their own masters without any overlords. This urge for independence reached its climax when the two brothers sido and Kanhu proclaimed that they had received a divine message from Thakur Jiu, the supreme deity of the Santals into an open revolt against their oppressors. This religious sanction gave the leaders the authority they required to be accepted by the Santals at large and to start the rebellion. Everyone firmly believed that the gods could not fail them. On 30 June 1855, more than 30,000 Santals rose in arms.^TOP^ BOTTOM

THE HUL - GENESIS THEREOF

The account by W. J. Culshaw is the first attempt to review the Santal rebellion from a new angle and to avail of the important evidence of Chotrae Deshmanjhi reak' Katha.

Among Indian rebellions, the revolt of the Santal's is unique in having inspired and English novel. Harma's Village by R. Carstairs vividly reconstructs its wild course and there is probably no better and certainly no more sympathetic introduction to the Santal of that period.

The following excerpt, which gives an idea of its quality, concerns the memorable scene in which a sub-inspector and money-lender were confronted by Sido and Kanhu. The sub-inspector had arrested certain Santal's and was on his way to Bhagalpur.

A white mist covered the River and its banks when the Daroga and his company reached Pachkattia. Day had dawned, but the sun was shadow-like because of the silence, -- they saw standing in the way they were to go a multitude -- all men; all Santal's; all armed. The Daroga halted. The prisoners, who had been walking with their eyes fixed sullenly on the ground, looked up and saw the dense crowd before them. Neither they nor the Daroga thought of its having anything to do with them.

To all appearance it was a peaceful assembly. But what mean those lines of faces together and all looking one way; the grim, fierce eyes, looking out from beneath nodding plumes of shaggy hair, and the axe, bow, sword or club grasped in every hand?

Kenaram flinched, but not the Daroga. Strong in the prestige of "Sirkar", whom he served, and accustomed to throw himself alone or with one or two men into a seething mob of rioters, he rode steadily, Kenaram at his elbow, and his followers with the prisoners pressing close behind -- rode steadily into the midst of the Santal's, purposing to pass through them. In unbroken silence their ranks opened, and a narrow lane wide enough to admit four men abreast was made. Into this lane, lined on either side with men facing inwards, the Daroga rode, glancing haughtily to the right and left among the scowling faces as if in search of a leader worthy to answer his questions.

Opposite the embankment further progress was berred by a dense mass of men drawn up across the way. He stopped, Kenaram with him, and per force, his followers behind him. In the rear, in front and on his rught the crowd closed in as a quick and closes round a ship that has touched a shoal. Only on his left the slope of the embankment from where he stood up to the foot of the Peepul tree remained clear. The deep silence was hardly broken by the champing of the two ponies on their bits. Through the silence and the mist there cut the stern, harsh voice of the Daroga asking what this meant. Fierce and sharp, sounding very loud in the silence, a voice pealed forth from above :-- "Be more respectful in the Presence dog! Make a reverence to their Highnesses!"

The Daroga, taken back, looked up and saw standing at the foot of the Peepul tree two young men - the Brothers- surrounded by their armed guard. It was one of this body who had stepped from his place in the ranks, and addressed the Daroga in language he had often used to others, but which no man had ever before used to him. The Daroga felt that he was in a strange atmosphere, but that boldness was his best chance.

"What is this, young men", he said, in a tone of reproof; "and who be ye? Know ye the penalty for insulting and officer of Sirkar on duty?"

"What means this that I see free Hor being led captive within my country, without leave?" cried Kanoo in a loud voice. "Cut their bonds!" "Beware, touch them not!" thundered the Daroga. Then, turning to the Brothers, and putting on his fiercest professional scowl, he angrily asked:-- "Who be ye, who take on you to meddle with Sirkar's business?"

"I am Kanoo", said one, " and this is my country!"

"They be the men of the wheel, to whom the goddess has given the country". Cried a man of the guard.

"Hey! The men of the Wheel! -- Kanoo and Sidoo, Hoy!" cried another Round the vast throng rolled a deep growl, like thunder.

"Cut the bonds!" roared Kanoo; and as he spake the four prisoners were forced out of the hands of their guard. The voice of the multitude, as it saw this, rose deeper and stronger.

The frightened Kenaram, and the Daroga, enraged but impotent, were made to dismount. Their umbrellas were taken from them, their ponies were led away, and they themselves, grinding their teeth with unconcealed rage, were made to do humble obeisance to the Brothers. Then they were granted permission to leave the Presence.

But arrogance was ingrained in the Daroga's nature. Not content with escaping alive, he must still demand his prisoners, and threaten the people with the dire consequences of defying Sirkar.

Kanoo had gone to sleep last night a dreamer of dreams : he was suddenly become a ruler of men; and thought it no strange thing that he, a humble and unknown Hor, should be bandying words with the redoubtable Daroga. Without heat, or show of remper, he replied to the indignant officer: -- "Be content and pass on. These be our men. ye their lords, and will judge them. Hast thou aught against them? Then prove it to our satisfaction".

"I will prove it before the Courts of Sirkar", said the Daroga angrily, "and before none other! Never was heard such presumption! I call you to witness" (turning to the horror-stricken Kenaram and their followers) "that I have been forcibly deprived of my lawful prisoners; and I warn you, Kanoo and Sidoo, who say the country is yours, that this is rebellion, for which ye will hang! Be wise: give me back my prisoners!"

"We have said!" was Kanoo's only reply.

"I go to the Hakim then", said the Daroga firmly. "Make way there!" and the people began to make way, so great was the prestige of Sirkar, and of Sirkar's officer, the Daroga.

"Give us our horses!" said the Daroga haughtily.

"Wait until ye are out of sight", said one of the bodyguard. "No man mouths horse in the Presence!"

"Think on Heen's spear, Kenaramji!" cried a voice from the crowd. At this sally there was a general roar, for the tale of the usurer's overthrow in the Jungipur bazaar had flown all over the country. Sweeter music than this laughter Kenaram had never heard. Every successive defiance uttered by the Daroga had added to his terror. The people laughed -- he might yet get out of this alive!

The Daroga's arrogance would not allow him to go without a last word. In vain Kenaram plucked eagerly at his arm. Turning to the brothers, he cried aloud:-- "I know those who have insulted Sirkar by rescuing my prisoners; and them I will bind even as my prisoners were bound!"

"Thou wilt want a cartload of ropes", cried one: "for ye will have to tie us all up!"

The Daroga turned and stalked haughtily after Kenaram who, in a fever ho be off, was urging him to quicken his pace; but this pride forbade him to do.

Meantime, one by one, the captives had been released. The last to be released was Gorbhoo.

Now Gorbhoo's hatred of Kenaram, the man who had entrapped him, deserted him, and seen unmoved the sufferings of the last few days, had grown and grown until it filled his whole soul. At the sight of his tyrant walking off quietly with the Daroga, it blazed into an uncontrollable frenzy. Snatching a battle -axe from one of the crowd, the giant Manjhi uttered a wild scream of "HOOL! HOOL!" rushed on the usurer, and with a smashing blow felled him to the ground. Blow upon blow he struck on Kenaram's senseless body, showering invectives of the dead man as the cause of all his misfortunes. The crowd, at first alarmed, then astonished, quickly caught his frenzy, and joined in his cry of "HOOL ! HOOL!" until the whole air was full of it; while the men nearest to the body added their useless blows to those of Gorbhoo.

Suddenly Garbhoo, splashed with Kenaram's blood, turned to where stood the Daroga cowed at last, livid with fright, trembling, willing to flee had a way been open : but the crowd had closed him in.

"Kill the Daroga !" shrieked Garbhoo, and leapt at him with the terrible axe.

In vain the Daroga tried to take shelter among the crowd. The crowd was impenetrable, and threw him off. For a few moments he delayed his fate by catching Garbhoo's upraised arm, though no match for the Sonthal giant, he was a powerful man. But another axe did the work, and he sank to the ground beside Kenaram.
The Daroga's burkundazes and Kenaram's men, all but a few who, seeing what was to come, had disappeared in time, were next attached. Sick with horror,. Harma saw them struck down one after another. The raging, howling mob of Sonthals, mad with the lust of slaughter, when they had no more living victims, hacked and mutilated the bodies of those they had already destroyed. Were these the good-natured, merry folk he had seen only a few minutes before; and was this what the Hool turned men into ? He shuddered at the thought of the terrible times coming.

Kanoo and Sidoo had no misgivings. It was the SIGN. Their time of waiting was over. The great day had come!

When the rage of the people had been spend; when the mob at length left the shapeless pulp that had once been Kenaram, the Daroga and their men, and stood about spattered with blood, their eyes red with murder, the minds of the Brothers were made up. Kanoo cried with a loud voice : "The Hool has begun! Send round the Sal branch! There is no Daroga, no Hakim, no Sirkar! The RAJ of the HOR is come!"

And the people, brandishing their bloody weapons, shouted "HOOL! HOOL! No more Daroga..No more badgement.. no more usurers! Hail, Kanoo and Sidoo, Men of the Wheel, lords of the Hor!^TOP^ BOTTOM

THE PROGRESS OF THE HUL

The official account of the Rebellion is given in Mc Pherson's Settlement Report, and as this is not easily available it will perhaps be of interest if I reproduce it here.

"The progress of the peaceful development of the district was rudely but only temporarily interrupted by the Santal rebellion which broke out in the Damin-i-Koh on the last day of June 1855. The outbreak was quite unexpected and by none more so than by Mr. Pontet, as his letters of that year disclose. A certain amount of unrest had been noticed in the cold weather of 1854-55 and Mr. Pontet in his annual report of 28 May 1855 discussed the relations of the Santal's with their Mahajans, the extortionate interest of 50 percent charged by the latter and also certain complaints against the railway people, who were making the new Loop line from Burdwan to Rajmahal; but so far as revenue demands were concerned there was perfect contentment, and it never crossed Mr. Pontet's mind that the other grievances of the Santal's would lead to open revolt. It was exactly one month after this letter was written that 10,000 Santal's gathered together at Bhognadih in the heart of the Barhait valley under the leadership of the four brothers Siddhu, Kanhu, Chand and Bhairab and proclaimed was against mahajans, zamindars and all rich Beengalis. On the 7th July the daroga of thana Dighi attempted treacherously to arrest the leaders of the revolt and was himself killed with nine of his escort. Mr. Pontet had attempted to use his influence with the Sonthals within the Damin, but found his efforts in vain and reported in July that he could 'never again consider himself safe without firearms'. There were no troops at hand to contend with the insurgents except the Hill Rangers stationed at Bhagalpur. These advanced to Clogging, but on 16th July were defeated by the Sonthals at Piolapur with the loss of their sergeant-major and 25 men. The rebels then got out of hand and committed numerous acts of atrocity, butchering many of the mahajans who had held them for so many years in a state of bondage.

But the Hill Rangers were speedily reinforced by European troops and native infantry and by the end of August they had cleared the country on the Bhagalpur side of Santal insurgents, inflicting a serious defeat upon them at Sangrampur. East of the hills Rajmahal was saved by exertions of Mr. Vigors, railway Engineer, who fortified his residence there. On the Murshidabad side Mr. Toogood, Magistrate of the district, brought up troops from Berhampur and inflicted signal defeats on the Sonthals at Maheshpur and again at Raghunathpur on 24th July. Further, operations against the rebels were postponed on account of the rains. There were still about 30,000 of them under arms, and they began to display renewed activity, especially on the Birbhum side. Martial law, at first refused by the Government of India, was proclaimed on 10th November over Bhagalpur right of the Ganges, Murshidabad right of the Bhagirathi and the whole Birbhum district. The disturbed country was then swept by some 8,000 troops under the command of Major General Lloyd and Brigadier General Bird and by the last day of the year the rebellion was officially declared to be at an end. Martial law was suspended on 3rd January, 1856. The work of revenue collection within the Damin-i-koh had been resumed before that date. The Dumka Damin remained longest disturbed. In Rajmahal and Pakaur Mr. Pontet reported in January that more that one-fourth of the raiyats had already settled down again, and he expected to realise one-half of the past year's revenue. In the Godda Damin, which was first pacified, he expected three-fourths. By the following year, collections were again in full swing. The Sonthals were excluded from the working of Regulation I of 1827 and exposed to the rapacity of police and civil court underlings of Bhagalpur, working hand and glove with extortionate mahajans and, outside the Damin-i-koh, oppressive zaminders. Mr. Pontet had no police or magisterial powers and could not do much to protect them. When he attempted to interfere, he was snubbed. The following is Jugia Haram's version.

'Owing to the trouble caused by the Dekos and the pangs of hunger and after crossing the Ajai river we gradually spread towards the north and east, to the hills and the banks of the Ganges. At that time there was only forest with Bhuiyas here and there, and on the hills, Mar Mundas. These Mundas are also called Sauaria. At that time there was only forest with Bhuiyas here and there, and on the hills, Mar Mundas. These Mundas are also called Sauria. At that time the Bhuiyas and Mar Mundas were kings. They gave out land by agreement and took very little rent. Under them we had no trouble. But day by day the Dekos entered for trade and at last settled as money lenders. They became the king's money lenders also. Having taken money and clothes from the money lenders, the kings pledged their lands with them. In that way the Deko money lenders acquired the whole land by fraud, and became kings themselves while the real kings grew poor like us. The Deko kings who were living near the hills encroached on the lands of the Mar.

We cleared the hills and forest for these new kings by taking loans from the money lenders and in return these kings levied rent from us. The money lenders give us little and take a great deal. They take the year's crop and we have then to take fresh loans from them. However, much we pay they are never satisfied. If they are not satisfied with the year's crop they drive away our cattle. If the debt is not repaid even then, we work at their houses with our women and children for one or two pais of rice. As there were no officers, to whom could we cry? Then came Deko police. But they were won over by the white money of their own caste men and dismissed our cases. We had great trouble and they harassed the whole country.

Then great rumours arose. At the first it was said that the lag lagin snakes were moving around and swallowing men. To remove this evil the people of five villages met together and after fasting, went in the night to another group of five villages. Men of five villages, one from each house, came to our village. They beat drums at the outer door of the manjhi's house and danced round it. They hung wooden bells round their waists and the swaying of their bodies made the bells give out a great sound. Two unmarried boys put on the sacred thread and carried round in a basket two small ploughs made of nim and bel wood and marked with vermilion. After doing a round of five villages, they assembled the villagers in an open place at the last village. There in the name of the lag lagin snakes they offered bel leaves,. arwa rice, oil and vermilion. After that, they taught each village the catch song and putting the sacred thread on two of our unmarried boys gave them the ploughs and returned to their houses. We then joined four other villages and went round five villages in the same way. After doing a round of five villages, we entrusted the two ploughs to the villagers of the five villages and put the sacred thread on two of their unmarried boys. We worshipped in the name of the lag lagin snakes and having taught them the song returned home. When we returned the men cleaned the courtyards and the cowsheds and brought a pot full of water. As long as their men were away in the night, our wives did not put their feet to the ground but kept cowdung by their cots, put their feet upon it and suckled their children.

After this they spread another rumour. Those women who had an equal number of children swore eternal friendship and exchanged flowers in groups of two. They exchanged clothes and ate and drank together. Why, no one knows. Perhaps it was to keep a solid front and be all related so that when the rebellion began no one would speak behind another's back and whatever happened would be kept secret.

Yet another rumour grew. People said, 'a buffalo cow is moving in the country. Wherever it finds grass at someone's outer door, it halts and grazes and until all the members of that household have died it does not move away'. Therefore throughout the land they dug up all the grass in the village streets.

There was also a rumour about Doms. In the Ganges, a Dom touched a golden boat and it sank. Because of that all Doom's would be haoked down and killed. For that reason out of fear the Doom's began to move like stage in a forest. They dressed like Santal's and lived in Santal houses.

Then a rumour spread that in layo Gar a leader had been born to an unmarried girl and every one would go and hunt there./ Layo Gar is beyond Hazaribagh. Some people went, saw the leader and hunted with him in the Kanchan forest. All the deer they killed they collected at one place and cut in pieces. Each man brought a leaf for taking back his share. They counted the leaves and saw how many thousands had assembled. The leader paid all the expenses. When they parted the leader said, "We shall hunt in the Tiur Forest near Deoghar. Gather there". But for some reason they did not do so.

Then another rumour arose. "People are coming to kill the Dekos. Hang up at the end of the village street, a bullock skin and a flute, so that they will know that you are Santal's. Otherwise they will kill all of you." So fearing this would happen we hung up these things in every village.

Then it was heard that in the Par country in Bhognadi a Suba Thakur had arisen. Hearing this, people began to set off, each with a pai measure of arwa rice and the milk of a cow. There they saw an altar and round it a railing. In the middle the Thakur was sitting in the guise of Sido of that village. They saluted him and did homage, falling at his feet and placing all the rice and milk before him. Then the Hakim's Daroga came. He said, Where is your permission? Show me your authority. Then Sidu said "This is my authority" and he killed the Daroga with his knife.
After that, the rebellion began. They heard that the Daroga had been killed and constables came. At Keopara they fought with Sido and his brother Kanhu and the Santal's of the country. The constables were defeated. This elated Sido and Kanhu and their followers. Sido and Kanhu ordered, "Kill all the kings and mahajans, and chase the other Dekos beyond the Ganges. We shall have our own rule". The Santal's of the country began to thirst for blood and many Suba Thakur's arose.

Then battles took place in Pakur and Maheshpur. There also the police constables were defeated. Then the Jamolpani Mani in Nankar. They and the Santal's ravaged the country side and looted Naranpur and Nolhati. Then Binod Manjhi of Nelparta Tilaboni became a Suba. He with other Santal's looted Deoca and Gunpura. At Gunpura the Santal's were defeated. Then they fought at the Nangllia thana. There the Santal's were killed in great numbers. Then beyond the Mor river at Laubaria they fought. There a host of police constables were killed and also an Englishman. An the Santal's were shot down in heaps. The Santal's did not win. They went to the Suptola forest and the Satbahor hill and took refuge. They remained there for two months in Asin and Kartik. Then Santal's killed Santal's from hunger. Englishmen surrounded us and drove us to Sikarpur and Ramkhari.

Whichever Santal's of us who were arrested were taken to Dhasnia. After keeping us there a month they brought us to Kumarabad near the Maurakhi river. There the Englishmen coaxed us. They said "Why need you suffer ? Tell us the leaders and we will let you go at once". Then the people told them. The English caught the leaders. Some they hanged on the spot, and some they transported for life. Some of them they released. Sido had died in battle and Kanhu and others were caught later on. They hanged Kanhu and one or two others and many were transported. Ram Manjhi and Bonode slipped away. As for us, the Governor came and settled the matter and we returned to our village.

During the rebellion we suffered much. From Asar for three months we were in the forests under the trees. It poured with rain. We almost died of hunger, all because of the false words of those Suba Thakur cheats. In the rebellion many of us lost our cattle, and when we went back to the village we were in great trouble. There were no plough cattle. There was nothing to eat, and the Dekos laughed at us and once again the money lenders got us in their hands".^TOP^ BOTTOM

IMPACT OF HUL

(a) Though the Santals were unsuccessful, they did manage to draw the attention of the British government which till then was completely ignorant of the peoples oppressive conditions and the corruption in the administration which was left in the hands of Darogas and others. Judicial and administrative reforms were soon adopted and by Act XXXVII dated December 22, 1855, the territory in and around the Damin-I-koh was formed into a separate non-regulation district called Santal Parganas.

(b) A direct communication between the people and the government was set up and attempt was made to utilise the Santal village organisation and tribal polity in administering the area.

(c) The period following the rebellion, however, was not quite peaceful inspite of such legislations and reforms. Slowly the newly erected district began to slide back into the regulation system and the privileges of the Santals were being once more taken away from them. With the opening of new means of communication, more Dikus from North Bihar and from Calcutta especially, swarmed into the district. They were more than willing to lend money to the simple Santals in exchange of their land. The government did not make any arrangements for cheap agricultural credit to the Santals, nor did it do anything to curtail the high rates of interest levied by the money - lenders. On the contrary, the Santals were made to pay everincreasing rents and the alien landlords usurped a lot of rent-free land. A spirit of resentment once again swept throughout the whole district. Many Santals joined other tribals in the 1957-59 Sepoy Mutiny against the British government. Contrary to perverted reprots given by British chroniclers, the mutiny in Chotanagpur and Santal Parganas was very popular and widespread. This was mostly due to the fact that the estrangement between the tribals and the British government was more acutely felt in these areas. The tribals were once more ruthlessly suppressed.
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POST INDEPENDANCE MOVEMENTS

1948 : Justin Richard organized the United Jharkhand Block in 1948 at Chkradharpur in cooperation with Jaipal Singh. However, after the Kharsawan firing of 1948, both parted ways.
1950 : Formation of the Jharkhand Party. Under the leadership of Jaipal Singh, an oxford educated Munda, the influence of the Adivasi Mahasabha spread all over the Chotanagpur plateau. The need for broad basing the organisation by including non-tribals also was given a thought. The general session of the Mahasabha held at Jamshedpur decided that, though the Mahasabha would remain essentially a tribal orgnaisation, its membership would be extended to non-adivasi Jhaarkhandis. It grew from a purely tribal organisation into a regional political party. In the first General election of the independent India in 1952, the party adopted the cock as its symbol, symbolizing 'day break ' or tribal awkening. It won all the 32 seats in the Bihar legislative Assembly it contested to emerge as the main opposition party.

1955 : Demand for Jharkhand Alag Pranth before the State Reorgnisation Commission : Emphasising the economic, political and cultural imperative for the formation of a separate state, a memorandum was presented indicating that the tribals are distinct from the non-tribals ethnically,culturally and linguistically. They wanted Jharkhand to be curved out of six dfistricts of Bihar and nine districts of Bengal, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. The demand was turned down on the grounds that the tribals of Jharkhand did not have a common language.

1956 : The decline of Jhanrkhand Party begins ; The tribals became disillusioned with the Jharkhand Party. In 1957 election, the number of votes polled by the Jharkhand Party was smaller than those polled in 1952. The third general election of 1962 came as a shock to its leaders. The number of votes polled plummeted to 4.67 lakh in 1962 as against 7.51 lakhs in 1957 and 7.66 lakhs in 1952. The main reasons being the aloofness of its leaders from the masses.

1963 : Merger of the Jharkhand Party with the Congress: Being tired of sitting in the opposition, its leaders thought that it could achieve its motto only if they merge with the mainstream national party. The rank and file was not happy with this decision and the Council of the party never ratified it.

1967 : Fourth General Election; Fragmentation of the Jharkhand Party: The Jharkhand Party was broken to pieces with even non tribals like Lal Harihar Nath Sahadeo - a Hindu advocate from Ranchi claiming his group representing the party. The other important claimants were Paul Dayal, P.K.Lakra and Justin Richard. The Election Commission could not decide upon the originality and the old 'Cock' symbol was given to none. 28th Dec, 1967 saw the birth of All India Jharkhand party which declared the merger with Congress as unconstitutional. It saw many splits thereafter also. A group of young men named Lalit Kujur, Prem Kujur, Moses Guria and Pius Lakra formed the Birsa Seva Dal to demand joibs for tribal youths in the industrial undertakings. It also demanded expulsion of non-chotanagpuris through violent means.

1969 : Formation of the Hul Jharkhand Party : The Mid term general election of 1969 saw the formation of Hul Jharkhand Party headed by Justin Richard, the leader of one split group. It was recognised by the Election Commission of India and won seven seats. Richard took advantage of the anti-money lending activities of the Sibu Murmu, a leftist Santal worker who had gone underground. The party also split up in 1970, the break away fraction led by Sibu Murmu formed the Bihar progressive Hul Jharkhand Party. In the later years the Jharkhand movement was piloted on factional basis. Thus the All India Jharkhand party led by Begun Sumbrui drew its support mainly from the Hos of Singhbhum. Similarly the Mundas supported the Jharkhand party led by N. E.Horo. The Hul Jharkhand Party headed by Sibu Mrmu bcame the party of the Santals.

1969 : The Naxalite movement in Jharkhand : In the dense forested regions of Jharkhand, anti national activities of the Naxals grew its head during the year 1969. There were many murders and violent clases. The movement was controlled by 1971 and its leaders were arrested.

1973 : Formation of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha : Destiny provided a new turn to the Jharkhand movement from 1972 onwards. It was for the first time that the industrial workers and the peasants came together to fight against exploitation. It turned into a class struggle and on February, 4 , 1973, at Dhanbad, the Sonat Santal Samaj of Shibu Soren and the Shivaji Samaj led by Binod Bihari Mahato merged together and formed the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha. The Morcha had as its idelogical father the trade union leader A.K.Roy of the Marxist Coordination Committee. The Morcha launched operation to recover alienated lands from the moneylenders and initiatives were taken for agrarian radicalism and cultural revivalism. It organized forcible harvesting of crops standing on lands illegally taken from Adivasis, Kurmis, Harijans and poor Muslims bythe moneylenders. At long last landless labourers and industrial workers found a popular movement against exploitation on four fronts and incucated cooperative farming and literacy programmes.

1975 - 1978 : Initiatives on separate Jharkhand State ; In the beginning the Morcha operated under the leadership of a triumvirate - A.K.Roy, Binod Bihari Mahato and Shibu Soren. Roy operated amongst the colliery workers, which comprised mainly of tribals, Mahato among the Kurmi peasants and Shibu among the tribals. The coordination did not last long and Shibuy moved away from the other two and became closer to the congress in 1980 which resulted in the Jmm bagging 14 seats in the Legislative Assembly.
1978 : The forst andolan in Singhbhum ;During the year 1978, the Kolhan Porabat area of Singhbhum district witnessed an well organiserd and formidable andolan known as the Jangal Katai andolan and some of the best Sal forest of the area was mowed down by the adivasis. The Sal trees were felled as a symbolic protest against the threat to their livelihood and identity. This movement got into a tremendous response and was coupled with the movement for the formation of a separate State. The State reacted repressively. A united front ( Samyukta Morcha ) was launched.

1981 : Moving away from their now famous agenda of a Separate State, for the first time in the history of the tribal movement in Jhakhand an attempt was made to form an independent nation for the Hos of Kolhan by an orgnisation called Kolhan Raksha Sangh. They claimed a part of Singhbhum. During the British time, the Kolhan was Government Estate and the administration of this area was according to the Wilkinson's rules without recourse to civil courts Mundas and Mankis were responsible for land settelement and general superintendence over the village revenue system. On March 30, 1981, the Kolhan Raksha Sangh held a meeting at Chaibasa and proclaimed that the Kolhan had not been part of the British India ruled by the Viceroy from Delhi and that the Indian Parliament had no powers to pass laws since Kolhan was a soverign state.

1985 : A voice to demand declaration of the Chotanagpur and Santal Paraganas as Centrally administered territory was placed before the Home Minister at Patna when he was meeting more than 50 MLAs from this area to find out the problem of the region. The leadership of this move was given by Devendra Nath Champia, a Congress (I) MLA from Singhbhum.

1986 : The active involvement of students gained strength again after the first two initiatives in 1966-67 when the students joined hands with Birsa Seva Dal's movements and in 1977-78 during the Jaiprakash Narain movement under the leadership of Salkhan Murmu and Karma Oraon. From 1986 onwards the leadership was vested upon Surya Singh Besra under the AJSU.

1987 : Formation of the Jhakhand Coordination Committee In order to forge ahead a common front, a conference of 429 delegates of all political, social, cultural and literary organisation was held from Septemer 11-13, 1987. However the coordinated effort again got diluted on ideological fronts and the AJSU, the JMM and JCC went ahead with separate initiatives for demand a separate state.

1988 : The Bharatiya Janata Party jumped into the bandwagon to demand a separate Nananchal state consisting of Chotanagpur and Santal Paraganas. This provided lot of election advantage to the BJP. In 1989 under the centers initiatives a Committee on Jharkhand matters (COJM) was formed to examine and recommend modalities for meeting the just aspirations of the people of the region within the framework of the Constitution. The Committee submitted its report on May 18, 1990 sugesting three possible solutions to the Jharkhand Problem ; (1) Statehood (2) Union Territory and { 3 } Jhakhand General Council withinthe State of Bihar.

1991 : Formation of the Jhakhand Peoples Party ; The year saw the AJSU taking up the slogan of " No election without Jharkhand ". It had little impact in the Lok Sabha elections held in the same year and therefore policy was changed to join the election politics. Dr. Ram Dayal Munda was chosen as the first President of the party named Jharkhand Peoples Party with Surya Singh Besra as its Chief Secretary.. It subsequently became an ally of the Janata Dal in the mid term elections and won 19 Assembly seats. The party by them was fragmented when Dr. Ram Dayal Munda and S.S.Besra joined JMM(S), James Horo took the leadership of the Munda fction. With the support of JMM and other parties, the Janata Dal Government in Bihar under the Chief Minister Laloo Prasad Yadav pushed ahead throughthe Bihar Assembly a bill on the formation of the Jharkhand Area Development Council. The then Home Minister S.B.Chavan announced that provided the fourt Chief Ministers of Bihar, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and West Bengal agreed, the Centre may not be averse to the formation of a separate Jharkhand State. A meeting of the four Chief Ministers was held on February 18, 1992, but it was Laloo Yadav and Jyoti Basu who made it. Next month, the different Jharkhand groups decided on going ahead with their agitational programmes and economic blockades to create pressure on the Centre. Meanwhile the JMM split again on the selection of Subodh Kant Sahay as the nominee of the JMM for the Rajya Sabha election. A group led by Krishna Mardi opposed the move and supported the Laloo government. The other group led by Shibu Soren supported the move and decided to withdraw support to the Laloo government. It was at this juncture that the Union Home Minister announced at the August 1992, that a decision on Jharkhnad could be taken in fortnight's time. On September, 8, the Home Minister surprisingly stated that the only way out of the impasse was togrant Union Territory or separate state status to Jhakhand. The Narasimha Rao Government at the Centre withstood the No confidence motion at the Centre on the support of four JMM MPs in 1993.

1994 : On August9, 1995, the Bihar Assembly passed the Jharkhand Area Autonomus council and council was sworn in. During the Genral Election to the Parliament in 1995, the BJP won most of the seats from the Jharkhand area.

1997- 99 : Lallo Prasad Yadav was forced to step down as Chief Minister of Bihar although he used his manoevering skills to buy JMM promising separate Jharkhand State and had a resolution passed . He was thus able to salvage his government with the changed leadership.

1998 : BJP led alliances came to power at the Centre and lost no time to pass the Bihar State Reorganisation Bill in 1998. It proposed the name of " Vanachal' instead of traditional 'Jhrkhand". It was rejected by the State Government of Bihar for the simple reason reason that it did not any more needed the support of JMM for survival. However , BJP alliances were bent upon introducing the Vananchal Bill in Parliament but before it could be passed as a Act of the Parliament the government fell. When it came back to power in 1999, one of th first things it did was to pass the bill and this time around the Bihar Government did not have much of a choice other than endorsing it because Congress party's support was needed for its own survival.

2000 : 15th November, 2000 saw the establishment of the Separate State of Jharkhand and the installation of the BJP alliance as the first Government under the Chief Ministership of Babulal Marandi as he was expected to be a tool in the hindutva machinery, although none had a role in the 75 years of struggle for self rule and separate State.
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